1) The Ultra and Hooligan movements originated and developed in the stadiums of these two countries between the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s. The fundamental difference between them was quick to emerge: while Hooligans came from the poorest social classes (especially the lower working class), the Ultra curved terraces of the stadium were characterised by interclassism. So the Hooligans already share common social experiences and, in particular, the main glue that binds them is their poverty (underemployment, violence in social relationships, etc.), combined with rooting for their own team. In the 1970s, the ranks of the Hooligans were swelled by the increasing masses of unemployed young while, from the 1980s on, there was a change of generation and social composition (these violent groups were joined by many members of the middle class who share the Hooligans' violent values, demonstrating that their deprivation was no longer just economic but also psychological and social). As a result of these characteristics, the Hooligans have only one objective, physical violence against enemies and the establishment. All aggravated by the characteristic of the lowest classes of English society (but also found in the highest strata) that makes “heavy drinking” almost a social value. In Italy, on the other hand, the less evident social stratification is also reflected in the young and, so, the Ultra terraces also arose from the need of young people of all classes to create their own culture defined by “opposition” to the traditionalism of Italian society. This desire to create a free space made of rituals and behaviours shared among all the Ultras, can also be seen in the transposition of the political conflicts of the 1970s to the terraces (unlike English young people, Italian young people are highly politicised) where, for decades, team conflict was accompanied by political conflict, while, today, the Ultra world is increasingly dominated by tendencies towards xenophobia and extreme right-wing politics. The result of all this is that, while in England, the sole objective of the Hooligans is violence dictated by rage at their social condition, in Italy, violence is only one option of the Ultra world and the others are the choreographic aspect that has prevailed since the 1980s and political militancy. It is rooting for the home team, with the choruses and rituals that are also shared by normal fans, that unites Italy's Ultras, and not a shared socio-economic condition of poverty. From the 1980s on, the Ultras accepted the “Hooligan model” and, thus, the option of violence began to prevail to the extent that, in the curves, today, the violent element is perceived as the example for all to follow: we need to reverse this trend and, in my opinion, it's still not too late. 2) The Italian sports media describe this violence as a social evil that has nothing to do with football. There's something very hypocritical in this attempt to “wash its hands” of the problem: society, the state and law enforcement are asked to solve the problem while the media never asks itself (beyond cosmetic declarations) whether the world of football and the sports media couldn't do something concrete, given that there are obvious responsibilities. The English tabloids, and the rest of the press and television, have always described Hooliganism as an evil of football. In particular, since the 1970s, the Hooligans have been the tabloids' battle horse, a topic that is always lucrative because it creates general panic, exploiting and contributing to the creation of a national phobia, especially when the Hooligans go abroad (it still happens today, given that the general opinion is that stadium violence is a “disease” that the English have exported). However, the reality is that the tabloids have always behaved very badly: in past decades, all it took to be identified as a dangerous Hooligan was to be English and a football fan and, naturally, this belief has been inherited and fully accepted by all of Europe. One can find many disconcerting episodes that cast a shadow on the methods of the press and TV. 3) The last part describes the measures adopted in both countries from the beginning of the problem of violence until today. In particular, I emphasize that an exclusively repressive approach to the problem will not only fail but will be very damaging. There are two preventive measures adopted in England that are useful in stemming the violence: closed-circuit TV cameras required in all stadiums and a national intelligence unit. Improving conditions in stadi...